Insight Myanmar

Episode #288: Anagarika Munindra was born in 1915 in a village that later became part of Bangladesh. Raised in an ancient Buddhist clan, he grew up in a loving family and showed a profound interest in the Dharma from an early age. He left his village for Calcutta in 1936 and later joined the Mahabodhi Society. Munindra eventually moved to Burma in 1957, where he studied with Mahasi Sayadaw and immersed himself deeply in meditation and Pali studies. He valued experiential knowledge, which made him a well-rounded and influential teacher.Mirka Knaster, the author of "Living This Life Fully,” a biography of Munindra, shares about the life of this great spiritual teacher. She describes how Munindra’s approach to teaching was unique—more as a "spiritual friend" than a traditional guru. He prioritized the needs of his students, extending loving kindness (metta) in practical ways, ensuring that they were cared for both physically and emotionally. His openness to different meditation techniques and his inclusive, adaptable nature made him an inspiring figure for many Western students.Upon returning to India, Munindra began to influence Westerners arriving during the counterculture movement. This significantly impacted the growth of Western interest in Buddhism. His students, such as Joseph Goldstein, Jack Kornfield and Sharon Salzberg, would later become major figures in the spread of mindfulness in the West, helping to establish centers like the Insight Meditation Society. He also became close with S.N. Goenka and would accept an invitation to spend several years at Dhamma Giri, in addition to his time teaching at International Meditation Society (IMC) and Spirit Rock.As Mirka highlights, Munindra’s influence was both personal and profound, offering an alternative model of spiritual practice that combined kindness, curiosity, and openness. His contributions were crucial to the development of mindfulness and meditation practices in the West. She comments in closing: “I couldn't imagine he would be anything but delighted to see how much the Dharma has spread!”

29 Nov 20242h 14min

Episode #287: “I actually find the process of rock climbing quite similar to activism, because during rock climbing, you always fall! You always get disappointed about why couldn't I just get to the top and get to the peak?! But every time we fall, we just keep going. Like what we do in activism.”Johnson Yeung, a prominent pro-democracy activist from Hong Kong, has been at the forefront of regional and global activism, particularly through his involvement in the Milk Tea Alliance. His activism began during his student years, when he played a significant role in the Umbrella Movement. This popular protest in 2014 advocated for democratic reforms, resisting the increasing Chinese authoritarian influence over Hong Kong.Following the government crackdowns, Johnson continued his activism, working with labor rights organizations, and eventually his focus expanded beyond Hong Kong as he realized the interconnectedness of struggles across Asia. In 2020, Johnson became a key figure in the Milk Tea Alliance, a digital solidarity network linking pro-democracy movements across Taiwan, Hong Kong, Thailand, Myanmar, and other countries facing authoritarian challenges.Johnson firmly believes that activism must transcend borders, especially as authoritarian regimes collaborate to suppress dissent. He highlights how repression in Hong Kong parallels the military coup in Myanmar, leading him to advocate for increased solidarity between movements“Those stories have tied us together, have continued to inspire us that we are on the right side, and we have entitlement to what we are fighting for,” he continues. “And that's what the authority is afraid of! That's what every single dictator in the region is afraid of—that people will be able to see through the smoke and mirrors and be able to take power in their own hands.”

26 Nov 20241h 54min

Episode #286: “Some people during the so-called transition, people in Yangon, were like, 'The military is changing!' Like, no, they're not; they're changing the way they talk to you, to elites, but they're not changing on the ground. And if you spent as much time speaking to survivors of military violence, you'll notice that they torture and kill basically for sport. There's no logic behind it, other than, ‘We can get away with this.’”David Mathieson, a longtime advocate, activist, and scholar focused on human rights in Myanmar, addresses the military's entrenched behavior and the country's complex socio-political landscape. He discusses the regime’s arrogance, sense of entitlement, and institutional cruelty, which he describes as a “culture of recreational sadism.” He emphasizes that while the generals attempted to appear reformist to elites in previous years, its actions on the ground have always remained brutal and unchanged. Mathieson delves into Myanmar’s cycles of oppression, resistance, and the military’s failure to innovate in governance or counterinsurgency. He cites the 2017 Rohingya crisis as an example of brutal tactics leading to increased international condemnation and isolation. He also critiques oversimplified international narratives, urging the importance of local perspectives and understanding the complexities of both the military and ethnic armed groups like the Karen National Union and Arakan Army. Mathieson highlights the failure of peace processes such as the 2015 Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement, attributing it to the military's refusal to engage meaningfully with ethnic minorities, and with the added the complicity of international supporters who endorsed the agreement, thereby legitimizing a flawed peace process.Ultimately, Mathieson paints Myanmar as a country trapped under an irrational military enforcing fear while insisting on its own necessity. He concludes with a stark view of the military's strategy: a deliberate use of overwhelming violence to enforce submission, reflecting a “deplorable, disgusting” policy that has persisted for decades.

22 Nov 20242h 21min

Episode #285: “We can't live under the mercy of Rakhine or the Burmese. Would you give your personal guarantee that the atrocities that have been committed over the decades, and centuries, for that matter, will not happen again?”As a Rohingya, Sujauddin Karimuddin has, from a young age, witnessed the systemic and growing discrimination, violence, and displacement inflicted upon his community.As violence escalated, he fled Myanmar, becoming part of the growing Rohingya diaspora. Then came the terrible anti-Rohingya violence of 2012 and 2017, which culminated in entire villages being burned, families torn apart, many deaths and mass displacement.Sujauddin’s journey as a refugee brought him into contact with international human rights organizations, and he quickly emerged as a vocal advocate for the Rohingya cause. He dedicated himself to raising global awareness about the genocide and the conditions faced by the Rohingya in both Myanmar and refugee camps.Through his advocacy, Sujauddin highlighted the importance of documenting the atrocities, ensuring that the voices of the Rohingya were heard on the world stage. He has worked tirelessly to connect with policymakers, activists, and humanitarian organizations, pushing for justice, recognition, and the eventual repatriation of his people with full rights and dignity. Skeptical of NUG’s overtures, to Sujauddin believes that the Rohingya’s safety can only be guaranteed through a fully independent state.“This is the right moment to side with the Rohingya people, because these people have been left neglected for centuries. It's well overdue time for them to have a place where they can they can live safely and call home. And that is of course Rakhine, where they are relocated from!”

19 Nov 20242h 1min

Episode #284: Aye Chan Naing is a pioneering journalist and activist dedicated to independent media in Myanmar. He co-founded the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) in the years following the military's violent crackdown during the 1988 student-led uprising. He was drawn to activism after witnessing the brutality of the regime. After fleeing to the Thai-Burma border, he joined the All Burma Students' Democratic Front but soon found his passion in journalism, inspired by figures like Swedish journalist, Bertil Lintner.In 1992, he launched DVB as a shortwave broadcaster based in Norway with support from the government there. He aimed to provide a voice for the pro-democracy movement and challenge the military’s grip on information. DVB became a vital link for the Burmese people, offering an independent perspective at a time when the government tightly controlled the media. The organization expanded from radio to multimedia, amplifying voices that were otherwise silenced.In 2012, DVB returned to Myanmar following political reforms, but Aye Chan Naing faced obstacles under Aung San Suu Kyi's administration, which limited media access and failed to foster an open environment. The situation worsened after the 2021 military coup, forcing DVB back into exile. Despite severe challenges, DVB continues to operate using underground reporters inside Myanmar.“When you have a microphone, you can say whatever you want, right? But if we're doing exactly the same as the Burmese military, we are no different," he says. "The more we studied, the more we learned about journalism. And it has to be about the people.”

15 Nov 20241h 44min

Episode #283: Friedgard Lottermoser, who passed away in August 2024 at 82, lived an extraordinary life. Her story, comparable to Heinrich Harrer’s in “Seven Years in Tibet,” has never been fully told—until now. Born in Nazi Germany, she grew up in the difficult post-war, reconstruction years. In 1959, when she was 17, her stepfather moved the family to Rangoon, Burma, for his new job.Friedegard knew nothing about meditation, though she was interested in spirituality, and she attended her first meditation course with Sayagyi U Ba Khin almost by happenstance. Following ten days of practice, U Ba Khin encouraged her to stay longer for additional instruction, leading to a brief but profound meditative experience that shaped her journey—she reached the “third stage” of Vipassana, bhanga, where she felt sensations pass rapidly through her body, her first embodied understanding of impermanence.Friedgard explains how U Ba Khin guided meditators to experience the unconditioned state. She explains how U Ba Khin advised Goenka to not to teach this practice, as the environment in India wasn’t suitable for this deeper practice, and Goenka's role was to teach larger numbers of students at beginning levels, while U Ba Khin’s was to take a small number of students to more advanced stages. Friedgard highlights other differences between the two approaches, such as Goenka's requirement of "full surrender" from his students—something she would never have accepted at IMC.Friedgard admits that U Ba Khin’s initial hope in teaching her was to encourage her stepfather, a close friend of his, to join a meditation course. When it became clear this would not happen, U Ba Khin's interest waned, and he even suggested Friedgard quit meditation, believing her family environment and military surroundings weren’t conducive to progress: her response to leave home and move into Thiri Hall at the University of Rangoon! She was still living there in 1962 when General Ne Win staged a military coup, which drastically altered life in Burma. Although almost all foreigners—including her family—had to leave the country, Friedgard was able to stay in Burma thanks to a government scholarship to study Pali. Through twists of fate, Friedgard managed to do what almost no other foreigner at that time could: to remain in the increasingly closed country for nine more years, deeply immersed in meditation, education, and Burmese life.

12 Nov 20242h 34min

Episode #282: Brian Hioe has been a life-long activist. He participated in Occupy Wall Street, Japan’s anti-nuclear protests, and the Sunflower Movement, which protested Taiwan’s growing economic ties with China. His experience during these movements culminated in founding New Bloom Magazine, which aimed to provide a bilingual platform focused on Taiwan’s social and political issues from the perspective of Taiwan’s youth.Brian discusses the historic and geopolitical ties between Taiwan and Myanmar, dating back to the Chinese Civil War, when many Kuomintang (KMT) fighters retreated to northern Burma before some eventually relocated to Taiwan. He grew up in the vibrant “Little Burma” neighborhood in Taiwan, which became a focal point for Myanmar-related activism following the coup.Brian elaborates on his involvement with the Milk Tea Alliance (MTA), highlighting its evolution from online activism involving Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Thailand to a broader, transnational movement. Myanmar’s inclusion reflects its shared struggle against authoritarianism, although its conditions—being in a state of prolonged conflict with limited internet access—make it a unique member.He emphasizes that the decentralized nature of the MTA is a strategic adaptation to authoritarian states that target centralized leaders. Brian concludes by underlining the importance of maintaining solidarity networks despite challenges like reduced online traction, advocating for sustained efforts to amplify Myanmar voices amid ongoing repression.“Myanmar joining the Milk Tea Alliance reflects the permeability of this framework, that basically, when there's a struggle, you can also be part of the Milk Tea Alliance. It's not exclusionary, but it is the one in which there was not just peaceful protests or student movements in forms of civil disobedience, but one that's spilled over into a civil war, and I think that is the difference. So the protest tactics that work in the other places, for example, will not work in Myanmar, because it is more oppressive.”

8 Nov 202458min

Episode #281: Born into conflict, Lartar grew up as the daughter of a Karen National Union (KNU) commander in the remote jungles of Myanmar. From the tender age of three, her life was almost a never-ending flight from the Burmese military's grasp. At seven, she was sent to a school in KNU-held territory, taught by part-time soldier-teachers who rotated between the classroom and the front lines. The harsh conditions eventually forced her return home, only to again face military raids that shattered any semblance of safety.Constantly on the move, Lartar's family abandoned their crops and belongings, fleeing from village to village. At 14, she attempted to find refuge in Thailand but was pushed back by authorities, leading to separation from her family and months of hiding in the jungle. But to Lartar, the jungle was a sanctuary, not a wilderness. Armed with just a knife, she thrived, hunting, foraging, and crafting necessities from the land. The spirits of the jungle, honored through ancestral traditions, provided her with emotional solace and a sense of protection. She survived alone until an almost miraculous reunion with her family in a refugee camp. Determined to break free from the cycle of displacement, she relentlessly pursued an education, even defying her mother's wishes; at 16, she ran away to complete an English program, and secured an internship with the Karen History and Culture Preservation Society. Fluent in five languages, she became an invaluable asset.Facing the challenge of lacking official documentation, Lartar bravely returned to Myanmar to obtain an ID. Disguising herself as an uneducated farmer to avoid military suspicion, she eventually secured it with the help of an old teacher.Her life journey had exposed her to the systemic oppression her people faced, fueling a deep-seated anger towards the regime, which turned toxic. Recognizing her imbalance, she sought peace within herself, retreating once more to the jungle for reflection. Emerging with a renewed vision, Lartar now advocates for unity and federalism in Myanmar. “History is history. We don't need to follow this history. And we create a better history in our life for young people.”

5 Nov 20241h 52min