Unfrozen Assets

Episode #130: Igor Blaževič experienced the chaos, violence and fear of the Bosnian War at a young age. Once the war ended, Igor wanted to support others who were suffering from the lack of freedom he had only just escaped from. With this in mind, Igor traveled to such hotspots as Kosovo, Chechnya, Cuba, Belarus, and eventually to Myanmar.This work led to a close friendship with Czech President Václav Havel, whose own country had recently emerged from a traumatic past. Havel’s participation at events that Igor sponsored ensured a wider visibility to their cause.In Myanmar, Igor found the oppression similar to what he had seen elsewhere. He stayed in the country for five years, working with former political prisoners and ethnic activists. These were the transition years, and despite the optimism brought by the new period of openness, Igor saw red flags from the start. He tried to explain that it was only a superficial democratic façade, but the situation only deteriorated when the Rohingya crisis hit. And as the crisis worsened, things began to play out in a way that was eerily familiar to Igor from his experience with communal violence in Bosnia.Igor saw how military intelligence was infiltrating and radicalizing parts of the Saṅgha, using the highly respected monastic clergy to advance its own fear tactics under the guise of Buddhism, spreading the poison of ethnocentrism and xenophobia. But he wasn’t heard, dismissed as a know-nothing foreigner. Even so, Igor was totally taken by surprise when the military coup was launched last year. However, he now found that diverse groups in Myanmar were united in facing a common enemy, and so he saw a chance for building solidarity that had not been possible before. To him the course is clear: recognize that the Tatmadaw is the common enemy, unite to destroy it, and then work together to build a better future after it is defeated.

3 Nov 20221h 42min

Episode #129: Andrea Passeri and Hunter Marsten co-authored an article which looks at Myanmar’s quest for a non-aligned foreign policy, and that is the subject of this podcast discussion.In 2011-12, following many years of military rule, the Thein Sein administration moved quickly to gain both domestic and international legitimacy. It instituted economic and political reforms, allowing the NLD, who had boycotted the elections, back into the political mainstream.From the military junta’s previous negative-neutral foreign policy, the new government began shifting to a positive and active policy of non-alignment. There was a tangible feeling of openness and hope taking root. With Aung Sang Suu Kyi’s ascendence in the years that followed, this more outward-looking foreign policy continued; Passeri and Marsten consider this a high-water mark for Myanmar in terms of a policy of positive neutrality.However, things started to turn in 2016, when the Rohyinga crisis played out on a worldwide stage. As a result, sanctions once again began to be imposed on the country. Aung Sang Suu Kyi’s apologist stance towards the military turned off once-enthusiastic international supporters; foreign aid and investment dried up, and the country once again became more inward-looking. So as Myanmar’s international legitimacy dissolved, the pendulum began swinging back towards negative neutralism.The authors emphasize the role that self-reliance plays in the ability to successfully enact both positive non-alignment and negative neutralist policies. It is, in fact, quite a challenge for small countries like Myanmar either way, because they are most often not self-reliant enough to “go it alone.” So while Myanmar may never have fully realized a goal of positive non-alignment, it has never really been able to fully realize negative neutralism, either. Today, with few countries willing to countenance the Tatmadaw’s violent and repressive rule, Myanmar is a pariah nation internationally and has become increasingly aligned with the authoritarian Great Powers, China and Russia. However, Marsten remains optimistic about the future because he believes that the younger generation has learned the lessons it needs to have learned to ultimately gain power and realize those goals.

28 Okt 20221h 33min

“The greatest tragedy of Myanmar as a country is that it gets the headline for a week or two, and then it generally gets buried, because so many other things are happening,” Matt Davis explains. With this in mind, Matt decided to head to Chin State, one of the regions where the conflict has been among the worst, and report on the resistance movement. His work ultimately resulted in a feature on Australia Broadcasting Corporation’s popular current affairs program, Foreign Correspondent.Matt was struck by how many ordinary young people from all walks of life had chosen to stand up to the military’s aggressions, no matter the risk or personal sacrifice. He recalls meeting a mother whose son had been injured attempting to disarm a landmine. When asking about her concern for her son in returning to the front, the mother was resolute that everyone must be willing to sacrifice, no matter what the risks.Yet while Matt is inspired to see how normal civilians have managed to effectively resist their own military, he is disheartened by the continued lack of support from beyond Myanmar’s borders. “I think it's a question that we should ask of our governments, and to be prepared to demand that they do more.” Compared to the Ukraine, so much less support has been shown to the Burmese people, and they can’t understand why they haven’t received even a small part of such sympathy. They have begun to ask, “What about us?”What Matt observed in Chin State is perhaps a microcosm of the wider movement now taking place across the country, and even outside, to support the emerging democracy movement. “There is only one goal now: that is to remove the military and restore democracy to the country of Myanmar. So that’s… what gives me hope that things might change. But it may still take some time, particularly if they're not supported by the international community.”

21 Okt 20221h 50min

Episode #127: “I basically started meditating about eight years ago, and it's it changed my life completely,” Claire Thorp tells us.For years, Claire had been intrigued observing how her partner kept up a daily sitting and was curious to give it a try herself. Her initial course in the Burmese lineage of S.N. Goenka was very challenging for her. However, she felt sort of a “magnetic pull” to the tradition and returned to start sitting and serving.Some time later, Claire traveled to India for further meditation. She ended up visiting Jaipur, where she took a course in natural dyeing. This would eventually lead to the creation of her company, Sati Designs, which produces meditation cushions. The Pāḷi word “sati” means “mindfulness,” and that began to guide the company’s vision.Claire fell in love with the artisan community in Jaipur. Many of these artisans come from families who have been using traditional techniques for generations, and work right out of their homes. Through her connections, she located sources for every part of the production.Following her second Vipassanā course, she had made a strong resolution to visit Myanmar. From the moment she arrived in 2016, she felt a sense of warmth and inclusion. She took a course at Dhamma Joti, and was immediately struck by how serious her fellow Burmese yogis were, and how long they could sit with only minimal cushions and support. She made wonderful friendships in a short time, and was struck by the way supporting Dhamma is woven through the society.Claire has since been following the unfolding events in Myanmar with sadness, while trying to bring attention and support. Towards this end, she has generously offered a special two-week promotional period lasting from October 14th to the 28th, in which 20% from all sales at Sati Designs will be donated to Better Burma.

14 Okt 20221h 33min

Episode #126: When Rose Metro sat down to write Have Fun In Burma, a novel set during the Rohingya crisis, she was already well aware that the country has long been viewed through an exotified, Orientalist lens. Being quite conscious of this past narrative, she wanted to draw attention to cultural conflict, using multiple perspectives. The protagonist, Adela Frost, is a politically progressive young woman. She interacts with diverse characters who represent common archetypes from the transition period in Myanmar. While this diverse cast of characters may well not communicate skillfully across cultures even in the best of times, their misunderstandings take on far more serious consequences, in a story built around the developing Rohingya crisis. Adela applies her values and perspective to the unfolding violence, unable to understand how the Burmese characters see the situation differently. Because they cannot even agree on a shared set of facts, let alone find a resolution, the tension mirrors the wildly divergent ways that the Rohingya crisis was covered by the media. Rose also brings the subject of meditation into her narrative. Adela is taught a Mahasi style practice by the abbot of the monastery. For Rose, it was important that the meditation part of Adela’s journey, and its role in the wider Burma experience, did not happen in isolation, but was integrated into everything else taking place both at the monastery and in society at large. “I think that's just the central tension. We have to have that balance of compassion and equanimity. That's so hard. How can you keep being open to feeling empathy for people when their suffering is so great? But also, how can you not just be like Adela and be like, ‘Okay, I'll fix it….’ If it has any chance of reducing suffering, either mine or someone else's, it's worth doing. I think that kind of humility is something that can take a long time to get to.”

6 Okt 20222h 3min

Episode #125: Given the deteriorating and destabilizing situation in Myanmar, one might assume that experts in the fields of Burma Studies, along with Burmese language teachers, would be more important now than ever. Yet nonetheless, the University of London’s School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) has elected to terminate the post of Professor of Burmese.Burmese language instruction at SOAS dates back to 1917, when civil servants associated with Britain’s colonial administration studied Burmese. Yet the institution is now experiencing financial problems that can be traced back to Brexit, and Covid has only exacerbated the situation. As a result, Justin Watkins, who currently holds the position, was informed in the summer in 2020 that his position was at risk of being cut, and he was given two years to seek out funding to build an endowment. However, the military coup happened only months later, it became very difficult to ask for funding for his program that otherwise would probably go to supporting a country in such dire circumstances. Watkins has requested a two-year extension, but the post is set to expire this month.Watkins fears that at a time when it has been so difficult for the crisis in Myanmar to break into the international community’s consciousness, cutting his program would only serve to further relegate the country and its people to the background. Plus, SOAS is one of the few institutions in the world that still offers Burmese language study.Watkins points to the negative effect that decreased opportunities for Burmese language study will have on aid workers, diplomats, human rights activists, and others who can do far better work when they are able to speak in the local language.

30 Sep 20221h 43min

Episode #124: Today’s guest, Guillaume de Langre, worked for several years in Naypyidaw as an adviser to the Myanmar Ministry of Electricity and Energy (MOEE), and explains the history of electrification in Myanmar.From the post-independence period through the 2000s, he describes how much of the country was dark. One reason is that Tatmadaw was never really interested in developing access to electricity to much of the country. It may seem strange that the military regime did not seek a more prosperous economy, which would have required a more efficient and widespread electricity grid. But de Langre explains how the generals followed a Soviet style plan of state-owned industries where actual productivity was never the goal.Then in 2000, providing access to electricity suddenly became a priority, and brought about a rapid transformation that greatly benefited the Burmese people and economy. However, usage rates went way up, straining the system in a new way. De Langre notes that the government ended up spending more on energy subsidies than even on education, which ultimately led to sharp price hikes in 2019. This led to exploring plans for alternative energy sources, like solar or imported power plants, several of which were in place on the eve of the coup. However, everything fell apart after the coup, as investors balked at what had become high-risk projects overnight.Sadly, de Langre also believes that even if the military is defeated, “it would still take years to fix the damage done to the energy sector by the coup… It will take years for companies to trust again and to lower their perception of risk.”

23 Sep 20221h 24min

Episode #123: Lucine has been the liaison officer between France and Myanmar for decades. With this rich experience, she offers an insightful perspective on the workings and machinations of the hidden world of diplomats across multiple crises in Myanmar.Burma used to be viewed as a kind of remote backwater that few knew much about. But that all changed with the ’88 democratic uprising. Working with the European countries and the US, Lucine advocated for an immediate travel ban and economic restrictions on high level military figures. Surprisingly, she was never arrested, a mystery that eludes her to this day.Back then, Western countries were very sympathetic to Burma’s plight. But since Aung San Suu Kyi’s fateful decision to personally defend the Rohingya genocide at the IJC, that all changed. Lucine explains that Aung San Suu Kyi hoped her hard stand would both help her election chances and placate the military, making a coup less likely. However, not only did Aung San Suu Kyi single-handedly lose worldwide sympathy and support for her country’s democratic transition, the military ultimately launched a coup anyway.Away from Myanmar, Lucine describes the anxiety many Burmese exiles now have in not knowing if their respective ambassadors support the democracy movement, or are little more than spies for the junta. Even worse, the military has instructed its embassies not to issue new passports, leaving approximately 80,000 stateless Burmese in limbo.Lucine cannot understand how most of the international community has simply stood by and watched the suffering of the Myanmar people grow exponentially. “No sympathy, no empathy, I would say! They don't care how many people are killed in a day, even though we've been sharing news and we've been crying out in many ways around the world!”

16 Sep 20221h 53min